More on “It’s Extreme Policies Not Extreme People”

I argue in the Wall Street Journal today that a huge shift to extremely interventionist economic policies in recent years rather than a shift to extremist positions is the source of the recent political clashes and governance crises in the United States. Those who claim that Americans worried about the slow growth and high unemployment caused by these policies are extremists divert attention away from serious discussion of the policies.

In the article I referred to a number of research studies and policy positions. Research on the ineffectiveness of the stimulus packages was reviewed in the book by Lee Ohanian, Ian Wright and me.  The paper by Geert Baekart, Marie Hoerova and Marco Lo Duca “Risk, Uncertainty and Monetary Policy”on the effect of the Fed on risk-taking is found here.  

Papers showing that the low interest rates going into the crisis were a factor in the housing boom were reviewed in my recent comment on the review of Alan Greenspan’s new book in the Wall Street Journal. More studies are coming out such as this article by John McDonald and Houston Stokes .

Particularly fascinating and important is the enormous disagreement about the effect of the erratic bailout policy during the crisis five years ago. The Hank Paulson and Dick Kovacevich interviews on CNBC Squawk Box illustrate this very well and are found here and here.

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What Line Will the House-Senate Budget Conference Draw?

The new House-Senate Budget Conference chaired by Paul Ryan and Patty Murray is supposed to reconcile the House and Senate budget resolutions passed earlier this year make a set of new recommendations.  The House and Senate will then vote on the conference agreement. While the conference should be an opportunity for Americans to engage in a more informed and open debate about policy, there is still much confusion, at least judging from the questions and emails I have been receiving.

A starting point is to lay out in simple big picture terms what the House and Senate budget resolutions passed earlier this year look like. The chart below tries to do this. It was put together from those resolutions passed last March. It provides the year-by-year totals (not ten years sums) needed to compare the two budgets.  This kind of chart is more useful for comparing budgets than the ten-year multi-trillion dollar totals which few people can understand.

housesenate2013

The chart shows the recent history of federal outlays along with the path of outlays as a percentage of GDP under the Senate proposal and under the House proposal.  There is a big difference in these two paths. Spending gradually comes down to pre-crisis levels as a share of GDP under the House plan and remains high under the Senate plan.  I have been arguing since 2009 that undoing the recent spending binge is a reasonable goal, and prefer the House version on that count.

The Senate budget would also tax more than the House budget by .7% of GDP and run a deficit larger than the House budget by 2.1 percent of GDP, where the percentages are based on 2023.  In my view the House proposal is superior on these two counts as well, especially given that taxes have already increased and the debt is continuing to explode.

But the budget agreement will have to be a compromise of some kind and the question is where between the House and Senate lines will the conference draw the compromise line on the chart?

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Short Course on Policy Rules–Including Yellen’s Variant

In a recent interesting article, “The Yellen Fed? Precise and Predictable,” Catherine Rampell assesses Janet Yellen along the discretion/rules-based dimension rather than the hawk/dove dimension which so many others have focused on. Quoting several people, including me, the article suggests that Janet Yellen tends to lean toward rules in the rules/discretion balance.  That’s my view too, at least compared to the current chair Ben Bernanke and Janet’s one-time rival for the chair, Larry Summers.  By way of explaining my view to readers  the article added that Taylor “devotes a graduate course lecture to weighing his preferred interest-rate-setting rule against a variant Ms. Yellen has described.”

Several people have asked me about that course and the lecture.  It’s a course in Monetary Theory and Policy designed for PhD students at Stanford usually offered in the spring term of their first year. I taught the course last spring, and I’ve been teaching a version of the course for many years, updated to include current research and policy when possible. Here is the syllabus, which gives the objectives of the course and some background readings, along with a list of links to the slides for the lectures.

Syllabus Lecture slides: 1. Background and Policy Motivation 2. Observing Monetary Phenomena 3. Impact of Monetary Shocks: Closed Economy 4. Impact of Monetary Shocks Open Economies 5. The Lucas Critique and Monetary Policy 6. Time Inconsistency and Monetary Policy 7. Staggered Pricing in Macro 8. Staggered Pricing More Micro 9. Simple Rules for Monetary Policy 10. Monetary Policy Rules Cross Checking 11. International Monetary Considerations 12. Monetary Policy Rules Robustness 13. Term Structure of Interest Rates 14. Monetary Policy and Term Structure 15. Which Rule 16. Wrap Up

The course is pretty technical—after all it is a PhD course—which uses multivariate time series techniques and dynamic stochastic models with (1) forward looking agents who have rational expectations and (2) sticky or staggered price-wage setting—the two essential ingredients of models used to evaluate monetary policy rules. The course introduces and uses these models mainly to evaluate policy rules—which is what they were originally designed for—rather  than to evaluate discretionary policy, and this brings us to Janet Yellen.

Lecture 15 on “Which Rule” is the lecture that Catherine Rampell referred to in her article.  Of course, it was given before Janet Yellen was nominated to be Chair of the Fed. The lecture is set up like a “compare and contrast two things” exam question where the two things are (1) the Taylor rule and (2) Yellen’s variant on the Taylor rule (described in Janet’s April 2012 paper which is the first item on the reading list).  See also slides 2 and 5. As in any good answer to an exam question, the lecture uses the methods taught in the course to do the comparison.  I make the case for Rule 1, but the point of the lecture is that it is possible to do such a comparison at a level of rigor expected of graduate students because Yellen has transparently laid out Rule 2 in her communications. As stated on the last slide: “Of course one could argue the other side and, if argued well, get a good grade!”

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Reviewing the “Too Low For Too Long” Evidence

In her  article “Alan Greenspan: What Went Wrong” in the Wall Street Journal Alexandra Wolfe considers whether monetary policy played a role in exacerbating the housing boom going into the financial crisis by holding interest rates “too low for too long.” I’ve argued that it did  (along with regulatory lapses) and wrote about it in a 2007 Jackson Hole paper.

Alan Greenspan disagrees with that paper, as Alexandra Wolfe reports, but she also reports that “Prof. Taylor stands by the paper in which he presented the idea. ‘The paper provided empirical evidence…that unusually low interest rates set by the Fed in 2003-2005 compared with policy decisions in the prior two decades exacerbated the housing boom,’ he wrote in an email. Other economists have corroborated the findings, he added, and ‘the results are quite robust.'”

Understandably, there’s not enough space in such an article to list the corroborations that I mentioned, so here is a summary:

In 2008 Jarocinski and Smets of the European Central Bank found evidence in the U.S. that “monetary policy has significant effects on housing investment and house prices and that easy monetary policy designed to stave off perceived risks of deflation in 2002-04 has contributed to the boom in the housing market in 2004 and 2005.”

In 2010, George Kahn of the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City found that “When the Taylor rule deviations are excluded from the forecasting equation, the bubble in housing prices looks more like a bump.”

There is also related international evidence. In 2010 Rudiger Ahrend of the OECD found “‘below Taylor’ episodes have generally been associated with the build-up of financial imbalances in housing markets.”

And there’s historical evidence: Just last year Bordo and Landon Lane reviewed the existing research and showed that over  many countries and across many time periods asset price acceleration regularly follows such  excessive monetary accommodation.

And in his comprehensive history of the Fed, monetary historian Allan Meltzer said this about the decision to hold interest rates so low during the 2003-05  period: “That was a mistake” (p 1248).

Alan Greenspan is a  good friend and he led the Fed during one of its more successful periods. Allan Meltzer wrote that the period from 1985 to 2003 was the longest periods of good monetary policy in the Fed’s history.  Nonetheless,  there is evidence that monetary policy in 2003-2005 was at least was a factor  in exacerbating the housing boom.

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Congratulations Banco de Mexico

Twenty years ago, a new legal requirement for central bank independence was introduced in Mexico. Here is the English translation:

The State shall have a central bank, which shall be autonomous in exercising its function and management. Its main goal will be to foster the stability of the national currency’s purchasing power, therefore strengthening the State’s role in guiding the country’s development. No authority shall order the central bank to grant financing.

The results were amazing. The inflation rate fell from a 43% average from 1970-94 to 4 percent during the last decade.

But it was not only the law that made this accomplishment possible. It was the steady implementation of the law with a rule-like monetary policy (a type of inflation targeting) by three governors of the Banco de Mexico (Miguel Mancera, Guillermo Ortiz, and Agustin Carstens) and their staffs during the past twenty years.  It was also due to their maintaining a degree of de facto independence to match the de jure independence.

This was not easy.  The history of central banking shows that de jure independence does not always lead to de facto independence or to rule-like monetary policy.  In fact, within a given law (de jure independence), there can be (1) variations in the degree of de facto independence, (2) variations in rules-based vs. discretionary policy, and, as a result, in my view, (3) variations in macroeconomic performance.

In the U.S.A for example, there were virtually no changes in de jure independence in the past half century. Although there were several changes in the Federal Reserve Act, well-known indices of de jure central bank independence show little change. In contrast, there were large changes in de facto independence.  According to historical research by Allan Meltzer, Marvin Goodfriend, and Otmar Issing, the 1970s and recent years show deviations from de facto independence compared with the 1980s, 1990s and until recently.  These periods are also characterized by discretionary rather than rule-like policy.  And of course macroeconomic performance was much worse during those periods.

Some relevant facts and figures are in these slides which I presented yesterday at the Banco de Mexico Conference celebrating 2o years of central bank independence in Mexico at which many central bankers and the President of Mexico spoke. Congratulations Miguel, Guillermo and Agustin.

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Congratulations Gene Fama, Lars Hansen and Bob Shiller

The Nobel Prize Committee chose very well in awarding the prize for the important individual contributions of each economist.  And focusing on the group as a whole makes sense too. Fama put forth the efficient market idea that securities prices incorporate available relevant information, Shiller showed that in some important cases there were deviations from the theory either due to less than rational expectations or behavioral factors, and Hansen developed and applied new statistical techniques to test the different theories and take risk into account.  And because of all three, we have made progress in understanding how asset markets work with people incorporating the results into practical work.

It is a good teaching moment for Economics 1 students.

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Big Question at Fund-Bank Meetings: What’s With QE3?

While the shutdown-debt limit talks continue in Washington, thousands of financial people from the private and the public sectors throughout the world (including me) crowded into town this weekend for the annual IMF-World Bank meetings. Aside from the shutdown, the biggest topic has been the Fed’s surprising switch from taper to no taper of QE3, and what’s next, in contrast to last year when Europe was the big topic.

Questions and comments to me about QE from people in the audiences at speaking events, meals, receptions, etc. have ranged from “Its effectiveness has diminished, what can be done?” to “It has paralyzed markets, what can be done?” to “It has only made the rich richer, what can be done?” My response has been “If not now, when? Start slowing purchases in a gradual rule-like manner.”

Of course it may be that people who think QE has worked are not asking me questions, but the skepticism is quite common. Canadian Finance Minister Jim Flaherty candidly said this about QE3: “I don’t think they should have done it in the first place.  Now that they’ve done it they should get out of it as quickly as they can,” though at yet another event, the Fed’s Jay Powell said that the Fed was no longer in any rush to do so.

On the shutdown, the G20 criticized the US, saying in the communique that the US “needs to take urgent action to address short-term fiscal uncertainties,” though it is hard to believe that anyone involved in the shutdown-debt limit discussion paid any attention. And, of course, the US executive branch is part of the G20 and probably did not object to the statement.

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Where the New Chair Might Lead the Fed

Congratulations to Janet Yellen. The new chair’s most important challenge, in my view, is to lead the Fed toward a more predictable, less interventionist, more rules-based monetary policy of the kind that worked well when tried, as in the 1980s, 1990s and until recently.  The sooner the Fed gets back to such a policy, the sooner the U.S. economy will begin performing well as it did in those earlier decades, which have been called the Great Moderation or the Long Boom.

In this respect, it is promising that Janet Yellen has argued that “in normal times, when the economy is buffeted by typical shocks—not the extraordinary shock resulting from the financial crisis—simple rules can come pretty close to approximating optimal policies.” But, as of a year and a half ago, she also added that “times are by no means normal now, and the simple rules that perform well under ordinary circumstances just won’t perform well…”

So, although Janet Yellen has been rationalizing the recent departure from rules-based policy, she wants to get back to rules-based policy.  In fact, she has been the most vocal advocate of such a return of any Board member including the current Chair. The sorely needed “great unwinding” will of course be difficult.  The question is when and whether she will be able to pull it off. I wish her the very best.

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The Uncertainty Debate: Now a Hot Research Topic

The impact of uncertainty—in particular policy uncertainty—is a hot topic of debate in the press and the blogosphere.  So the Dallas Fed decided to hold a conference last week to explore the issue. Nick Bloom of Stanford, Tom Fomby of SMU, and Evan Koenig of the Dallas Fed organized it.  Many economists who have been doing serious academic research on the topic came. They presented papers, answered questions and listened to criticism. At lunch, Richard Fisher and I gave talks and discussed policy uncertainty with Nick Bloom before a larger audience from the Dallas community which was open to and  covered by the press. Richard Fisher summarized the issue succinctly in his informative remarks: “Uncertainty matters. A lot.”  I added that the recent increase in policy uncertainty was like a climate change rather than a few isolated storms here than there due, say, to the shutdown and debt limit hikes.

It was a terrific conference with a great deal of value added by the academic papers.  Larry Christiano, for example, demonstrated that there was a surprisingly strong correlation between the business cycle and cross-sectional industry variability (a measure of “risk shocks” not necessarily related to policy), and showed how this correlation can be explained with a particular dynamic stochastic model with a financial sector. Steve Davis pointed out that his data on policy uncertainty (produced along with Nick Bloom and Scott Baker) provided evidence of a recent policy climate change—not simply spikes around the time of debt limit debates. Laura Veldkamp and Anna Orlik showed that model uncertainty is a big source of uncertainty shocks and that the non-normal distribution of shocks explains unusual patterns of economic forecasts.

More generally, as Larry and Steve pointed out, these and other findings in the papers will stimulate much more research and many more papers in the months and years ahead. What started as a hot policy debate topic has turned into a hot research topic.

Here is a list of all the academic papers presented Risk News Shocks and the Business Cycle Gabor Pinter, Konstantinos Theodoridis, Tony Yates; Risk Shocks, Lawrence Christiano, Roberto Motto, Massimo Rostagno; Measuring Economic Policy Uncertainty Scott Baker, Nicholas Bloom, Steven Davis; Surprisce and Uncertainty Indexes: Real-Time Aggregation of Real-Activity Macro Surprises Chiara Scotti; Understanding Uncertainty Shocks and the Role of the Black Swan Anna Orlik Laura Veldkamp; Reviewing the Leverage Cycle Ana Fostel John Geanakoplos; Macroeconomic Volatility and External Imbalances Alessandra Fogli, Fabrizio Perri; Fiscal Volatility Shocks and Economic Activity Jesús Fernández-Villaverde, Pablo Guerrón-Quintana, Keith Kuester, Juan Rubio-Ramírez; Slow to Hire, Quick to Fire: Employment Dynamics with Ambiguous Private Signals Cosmin Ilut, Matthias Kehrig, Martin Schneider; Volatility and Pass-Through David Berger, Joseph Vavra. (Links soon become out of date, so check with authors).

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A Candid Exchange of Different Views of the Crisis

Yesterday the Hoover Institution and the Brookings Institution held an unusual joint conference on “The U.S. Financial System – Five Years after the Crisis.”   Roughly half the participants were at the Hoover venue in Stanford, California and half were at Brookings in Washington, DC.  It was simulcast so that speakers, panelists and the audience at each location could see and hear the panelists, speakers and the audience at the other location.

The purpose of the conference was to consider and compare different views and better understand the reasons for these different views about the causes of the crisis and the road ahead.  From the list of participants on the following agenda, it is clear that there was a large divergence of views on the role of monetary policy, regulatory policy, too big to fail, and bailouts.  As expected it was a candid exchange, but there was surprising agreement in some areas.  For example, no one disputed the fact that the U.S. economy is seriously under-performing and that some change in policy could improve performance. Martin Baily of Brookings and I (the conference organizers) will now edit a book containing the papers presented at the conference with a record of the discussion. Here is the agenda with times stated in Pacific Time.

 8:00 am – 8:10 am Welcome and Remarks on the Purpose of the Conference Martin Baily and John Taylor

8:10 am- 9:40 am Panel 1: Causes and Effects of the Financial Crisis Evolution of banks and other financial institutions, considering post-crisis regulatory policy reforms and emerging financial and economic trends Chair: John Gunn, Panelists: Sheila Bair, Lawrence Summers, John Taylor, Kevin Warsh

10:10 am – 11:40 am Panel 2: The Federal Reserve’s Role Actions before, during and after the 2008 panic and implications for future policy, considering monetary and lender of last resort policies, and the nexus between these and regulatory policy Chair: Annette Nazareth, Panelists: Alan Blinder, Michael Bordo, Peter Fisher, Allan Meltzer

12:10 am – 12:30 pm Remarks on Key Issues Facing Financial Institutions Paul Saltzman

12:30 pm – 2:00 pm Panel 3:Is Too Big to Fail Over? Are we Ready for the Next Crisis?   Consideration of capital, subordinated debt, and other loss absorbing requirements, changing perceptions of risk and moral hazard, macro-prudential regulation, and international interconnectedness, Chair: Don Kohn, Panelists: Martin Baily & Douglas Elliot, John Cochrane, Darrell Duffie, Steve Strongin

2:10 pm – 3:40 pm Panel 4: Bankruptcy, Bailout, Resolution A review and assessment of resolution frameworks, considering experiences with Lehman Brothers and other firms in the crisis, the resolution process under Title II of the Dodd-Frank Act, reforms of the bankruptcy code including “Chapter 14” proposal.  Chair: Kimberly Summe, Panelists: Randy Guynn, Michael Helfer, Ken Scott, David Skeel

3:40 pm – 4:00 pm Concluding Remarks on Key Issues Facing Policy Makers  George Shultz 

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